As the calendar hits February 28, Türkiye reflects on the "postmodern coup" of 1997, a watershed moment that continues to shape its political landscape. As Türkiye marks the 27th anniversary of the event, the legacy of February 28, 1997 continues to be a topic of debate and reflection, underscoring the complexities of Türkiye’s political history and its ongoing struggle for democracy.
The coup left an indelible impact on Turkish society, especially on students, intellectuals and military officers.
Under the guise of the "Action Plan Against Reactionary Forces," the coup's organisers issued directives that resulted in the expulsion of several state personnel, the blacklisting of corporations and the suspension of rights for a large number of people.
Military officials also placed a ban on headscarves in public universities, aimed specifically at religious groups, further polarising the country.
Following the coup, Türkiye witnessed a resolute campaign against the military elites and the coup sympathisers led by the Justice and Development Party (AK Party) under President Recep Tayyip Erdogan’s leadership, which eventually led to the restoration of democracy in the country.
‘Postmodern’ disaster
The rise of conservative political parties in the 1990s, such as Necmettin Erbakan's Refah Party (RP), challenged the dominance of centre-left and centre-right parties, signalling a shift in Turkish politics.
Erbakan's electoral success in the 1994 local and 1995 national elections surprised the establishment, leading to the formation of a coalition government with the centre-right's Dogru Yol Party (DYP) in 1996. However, the strictly secularist military, which had a history of intervening in politics, opposed the Erbakan government.
The 1997 coup began with an ominous show of force. Shortly before a meeting of the National Security Council on February 28, 1997, a parade of tanks rumbled through the streets of Ankara, the country’s capital. But much of the rest of the military intervention happened behind a veil, hidden from view of the laymen, who were left guessing about the evil machinations.
The meeting turned into the longest session ever of the National Security Council. It resulted in what is known as the February 28 memorandum – a host of decisions by the Turkish military in response to what it called as rising Islamist ideology in the country.
The military forced Erbakan to sign a slew of controversial decrees, including a ban on headscarves, the shutting down of Qur'an teaching courses and the implementation of measures to control the news media.
This led to the collapse of Erbakan’s government, its replacement by a provisional government, and the banning of several political leaders from politics for several years, including President Erdogan, then the mayor of metropolitan Istanbul.
Unlike previous coups that involved overt military intervention, the 1997 coup was conducted with behind-the-scenes political manoeuvring.
Dark legacy of February 28, 1997
The media played a significant role in spreading rumours and trying to invoke secularist sentiments, paving the way for the coup's success.
A campaign to blacklist scores of people that began in 1997, continued till 2001. Public employees, academicians and others were disciplined, forced to resign from their posts or were fired.
Secondary vocational schools – including those training imams for the Muslim community – were shut down. The graduates of those schools were denied entry into universities.
To crown it all, Türkiye faced an economic crisis in 2001, probably one of the most devastating outcomes of the "postmodern" military coup.
Tension between then-President Ahmet Necdet Sezer and Prime Minister Bulent Ecevit, during one of several meetings of the National Security Council in February 2001, led to a 15 percent drop in the Turkish stock exchange, soaring interest rates, and a $3 billion loss for state-owned banks – a first in their history.
The number of unemployed rose by a million in two years – from 1.4 million in 2000, to 1.9 million in 2001, and nearly 2.5 million in 2002.
The US dollar almost doubled against the Turkish lira, shaking the markets and forcing the government to switch from the fixed exchange rate system to a floating rate.
Several banks went bankrupt, costing the state $30.1 billion, according to 2009 figures from the Savings Deposit Insurance Fund.
The military’s ‘e-memorandum’
The 2007 Turkish presidential election was marred by political turmoil and military intervention.
The governing AK Party's candidate, Abdullah Gul, was poised to win the presidency. However, some high court judges introduced a controversial interpretation, suggesting that a two-thirds majority was required for the National Assembly to convene, leading to a political deadlock.
Sabih Kanadoglu, a former chief prosecutor, proposed this interpretation, which was upheld by the Constitutional Court. This move was seen as an attempt to prevent the AK Party from assuming the presidency. Adding to the tension, the Chief of General Staff issued an "e-memorandum" emphasising the importance of secularism, which was viewed as further military interference in politics.
The crisis was eventually resolved when some political groups in Parliament met the two-thirds quorum requirement, allowing the National Assembly to convene. However, the events of 2007 continued attacks on Turkish democracy and the persistent influence of the military in politics.
In the media, coverage of the presidential election was largely pro-coup, with the "e-memorandum" being prominently displayed on the official website of the Turkish General Staff. Several mainstream media outlets supported the military intervention, reflecting the polarised nature of Turkish politics at the time.
July 15: Glorious resistance against coup
Even after all the strings that were pulled behind the curtain, though, the military coup failed, for the first time in Türkiye’s 94-year history.
A rogue military faction, loyal to Fetullah Gulen who is the leader of Fetullah Terrorist Organisation (FETO), aimed to take over key infrastructure as well as governmental, military and media institutions, on the night of July 15. Targets included Turkish Radio and Television Corporation’s (TRT) offices in both Istanbul and Ankara. Accordingly, fighter jets under control of coup plotters bombed Parliament in the early hours of July 16. But the effort soon fell apart as the rest of the army and the Turkish public fought back and resisted.
A total of 251 people were killed and around 2,200 others were wounded as the coup plotters fired on people or bombed the Parliament and other government buildings. Around 35 alleged coup plotters were also killed.
Since that night, Türkiye began celebrating June 15 as Democracy and National Unity Day.
